Observers of Sudan say the Khartoum government is
actively pitting rival ethnic groups against each other in the oil-rich Abyei
region. The area became the focus of international attention recently when forces
from the Southern Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and President Omar
al-Bashir’s government in Khartoum clashed. The conflict destroyed towns and
villages, displaced thousands of people and raised concerns of a return to
civil war in Sudan. Abyei is claimed by both the SPLM and the al-Bashir
administration. In the third part of a five-part series on Abyei, VOA’s Darren
Taylor examines the roles of the region’s ethnic groups in the recent
“Abyei is a very remote
area. In terms of infrastructure and development, there’s very little.
Geographically speaking, it’s a flat area of plains and grasslands, forested
grasslands,” explains Daniel Jok Deng, who manages a Sudanese NGO in the area.
“Actually, it’s a very
rich acacia ground; acacia is the tree that produces gum Arabic, which is quite
a big international commodity and Abyei is a forested area of acacia, with
sandy soil and no stones, and a sea of oil underneath it.”
Peter Moszynski, a British aid worker who’s operated in
Abyei since 1981, says the harsh environment and scarcity of essential
resources play a role in the “almost constant tension” in the region.
“One of the reasons why there’s currently conflict there
is because both the local Arab Misseriya [group] and the local Dinka
southerners are annual pastoralists who move backwards and forwards according
to the rain with their cattle herds. In a way, the conflicts have started over
Arabs and Dinkas fighting over grazing rights, but of course this is something
that both sides have been [exploiting] because of strategic interests.”
The Misseriya role in the fighting
Moszynski says the
Misseriya are playing a “significant” role in the tension in Abyei.
they [the Arab nomads] are not actually resident within Abyei, which is defined
in the constitution as the nine chiefdoms of the Ngok Dinka, they are seasonal
visitors. They inhabit the desert area north of Abyei, and they are dependent
for their livelihoods on water in the Abyei area, and so they have seasonal access
with their cows to come into Abyei to access that water.”
points out that the Misseriya and the Ngok Dinka are, ironically, related by
blood – but starkly separated by religion, language and culture: “The Ngok
Dinka are black African Christians, and as such, allies of the SPLM, whereas
the Misseriya are Arabs and follow Islam.”
these reasons, says Moszynski, Khartoum has long embraced the Misseriya.
“They were one of the first groups co-opted as tribal
militias by the previous [Sudanese] government in 1987, when they were armed as
a way to fight the predominantly southern SPLA [Sudan People’s Liberation
Army]. These [Misseriya] are quite related to…other Arab groups that make [up]
the janjaweed in Darfur. [Abyei] borders on southern Darfur.”
Moszynski says the janjaweed Arab militia, which is
accused of killing black Africans in Darfur on behalf of Khartoum, has much in
common with the Misseriya.
“Whoever’s been in power in Khartoum over the last few
decades, they’ve always been able to use divide and rule to get their policies
across – predominantly by arming local militias. They’ve been giving guns to
people who want to argue about land and grazing rights. However, it creates the
strategic situation where the non-Arab population of Abyei is now being
Tensions over resources complicate situation
People who are familiar
with conditions in Abyei say there is a long history of tensions between the
Misseriya and the Dinka over grazing and other scarce resources in the region.
But Moszynski says Khartoum has been using such “ethnic
tribal conflicts” as an excuse to attack areas like Abyei under the guise of
maintaining “law and order.”
Deng says traditional leaders from both the Ngok Dinka and
the Misseriya have in the past successfully resolved disagreements between
there have been conflicts in the past, and these conflicts have been
effectively contained by traditional mechanisms – especially the role of the
chiefs in mediating conflict…. When you speak to the Misseriya and Dinka of
Abyei, they will stress their very long history of peaceful coexistence. And
that peace was largely based on local protocols about sharing basic resources,
like access to water and grazing lands.”
adds that up until relatively recently, even when tension between the rival
pastoralists did “boil over” into open fighting in Abyei, conflicts were fought
with traditional weapons, and so casualties were low.
was largely gesturing and a lot of macho kind of posturing rather than open
conflict, and symbolism by the young warriors, knowing that violence would be
contained by the chiefs. Now it’s totally different. Now, these groups have
access to small arms, which lead to massive human destruction,” Deng explains.
holds the al-Bashir administration largely responsible.
“You have the
penetration of political forces from Khartoum, with money and guns, who are
buying off communities and sending them off into other communities to make war
in the name of ethnicity.”
He says the Sudan
government’s frequent statements that the root causes of conflicts such as that
in Abyei are “ethnic” are “disingenuous, and that is a guise and a mask over
criminal activity – arming local communities against others for the purpose of
Deng is convinced that it remains in Khartoum’s interests
to keep the Dinka and Misseriya at each other’s throats. The longer this goes
on, he says, the longer the government of Sudan will be able to argue to keep
its troops in and around Abyei, and in so doing, the greater the chance of a
resumption of civil war between the south and north.
The Khartoum government
did not respond to numerous requests for interviews regarding Abyei and its
dealings with the Misseriya group.