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Hungary Welcomes EU’s First Chinese University Campus
Three years ago, the government of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban forced the well-regarded Central European University out of Budapest, largely because of who funded it — Hungarian-born American financier and philanthropist George Soros, long a target of populist conspiracy theories and a critic of Orban's championing of “illiberal democracy.”
Now the Hungarian government is pressing ahead with plans to host the first Chinese university campus in the European Union, underscoring Orban’s determination to continue to seek closer ties with Beijing, despite rising U.S. and Western anxiety about China’s deepening influence over parts of Central Europe.
An initial agreement was signed last month for Fudan University, based in Shanghai, to expand to the Hungarian capital, Budapest. Now Orban’s government has said it intends to help financially support the planned campus, which is scheduled to open in 2024, when it will greet around 6,000 students. The Fudan campus will offer degrees in economics and international relations as well medical and technical sciences, and Hungarian officials say they hope the campus will end up boosting Chinese investment in the country.
The welcoming of Fudan is part of a courtship by Orban of China and Russia, say analysts. Orban “looks to China and Russia as the alternative to the West,” according to Andras Simonyi, a former Hungarian ambassador to the United States and to NATO, citing the planned campus. “The incoming Biden administration, in its efforts to rebuild transatlantic relationships, should take note,” he said in a commentary in The Hill, a Washington-based newspaper, last week.
In November, Hungary renewed a cultural, scientific and educational treaty with China, which a spokesman for the Hungarian government said was in line with Budapest’s support for China’s Belt and Road Initiative, an ambitious trillion-dollar transcontinental trade and infrastructure project spanning Eurasia, Europe, the Middle East and parts of Africa.
The initiative has prompted the disquiet not only of the United States, but also of European Union leaders, who have voiced concern about Beijing's growing political clout in Europe and its use of commerce, investment and education as tools of statecraft.
The Hungarian government says the new campus will “enhance” the educational standards of Hungarian universities, teaching knowledge and skills vital for the development of Hungary’s economy. Hungarian officials raised no objections to Fudan University amending its charter recently, which saw a commitment to “freedom of thought” being replaced with a pledge to follow the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party.
Orban has cited Russia, Turkey and China as useful models for Hungary’s political development, and relations have warmed rapidly the past few years between Budapest, Beijing and Moscow. Eighteen months ago, the Hungarian government approved the relocation to Budapest of a Russian bank steeped in Cold War history headed by the son of a KGB (Soviet secret police) officer, who helped repress the 1956 Hungarian revolt against the Soviet Union.
U.S. and Western European officials have voiced increasing frustration with Orban’s pivot east and the burgeoning friendship with both China and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Orban has opposed Western sanctions on Russia and in 2014 he bucked the West’s diplomatic isolation of the Russian leader in the wake of the Russian annexation of Crimea, welcoming Putin to Budapest and agreeing on a controversial $12 billion loan deal with the Kremlin to upgrade a Soviet-era nuclear power plant in Paks, 100 kilometers south of Budapest.
The contract was awarded without any counterbids and the details were classified until a court ordered the government to divulge them.
Since his reelection in 2010, critics have denounced Orban for what they see as a sustained erosion of democratic checks and balances. In 2019, Freedom House, a U.S.-based research organization, described Hungary as only “partly free,” the first time in history it has withheld from an EU member state the designation “free.” It accused Orban’s government of having “moved to institute policies that hamper the operations of opposition groups, journalists, universities and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) whose perspectives it finds unfavorable.”
Nonetheless some analysts say that Orban’s political friendships with China and Russia aren’t based on any real ideological affinity, but more on the Hungarian leader’s assessment of the balance of power in Europe and his wanting to hedge his bets between the Eastern autocracies and Western democracies, playing them against each other in a bid to secure the best deals he can for Hungary.
Orban said on Friday that he was considering approving a Chinese COVID-19 vaccine for use in Hungary because the EU was not providing sufficient supplies of European-approved vaccines. “We’re unable to move faster with inoculating people not because Hungarian health care is incapable of carrying out mass vaccinations rapidly but because we have a shortage of vaccine supplies,” he said in an interview with public broadcaster Kossuth Radio.
He added: “The vaccination rate in the EU is below 1 percent due to the fact that there are not enough vaccines here.”
Orban’s tilt eastward has largely been overlooked by the Trump administration. The outgoing U.S. president saw Orban as a populist anti-immigrant ally. And Trump’s former adviser, Steve Bannon, described Orban as “Trump before Trump.”
But the incoming Biden administration is unlikely to be as friendly or view Orban’s warming ties with Beijing and Moscow with as much equanimity, say diplomats. In October while on the election campaign trail, Biden compared Orban’s Hungary and populist-led Poland to Belarus, saying NATO was at risk of “beginning to crack” because of an absence of American leadership. And last month at a research group event in Washington, Victoria Nuland, a Biden pick for a top job at the U.S. State Department, expressed her concern about European states backsliding on democracy.
Orban, who faces a likely tough election next year, was largely ostracized by the Obama administration for presiding over what Washington saw as an erosion of democratic checks and balances. Biden served as Barack Obama’s vice president. Orban also broke with diplomatic norms last year by publicly endorsing Trump in the White House race and making it clear he didn’t like working with Democrats, whom he dubbed “moral imperialists.”
He withheld congratulating Biden after the vote, only to do so belatedly in a letter, rather than with a phone call.
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Columbia students on edge as police presence remains on campus after raid to clear protesters
Police remain on Columbia University’s campus, even after clearing out student protesters and their encampment. But questions remain about how the university and the students move forward. Tina Trinh reports from New York.
Columbia University student journalists had an up-close view for days of drama
Student journalists on the Columbia University campus knew what was coming long before police with riot shields arrived to begin arresting the pro-Palestinian protesters.
They had watched the situation spiral as the protesters stood their ground, refusing to abandon Hamilton Hall and using a pulley system to bring supplies into the building they had occupied.
The reporters, working for university and online U.S. and international publications, suspected negotiations with administrators were going nowhere when the protesters began donning COVID-era masks to hide their identities. Some began sleeping on the floor in journalism classrooms or offices out of fear of missing something.
But when a journalism professor began writing the phone number to call if they were arrested in permanent marker on their arms, that was the moment it became clear: They were capturing history.
The police operation Tuesday night that cleared out Hamilton Hall capped two weeks of drama over the protests at Columbia, which student journalists at the Ivy League school lived through as they were covering it.
Other media were being kept off campus, so these reporters were the only ones who could capture what was happening.
"I just woke up and I was like, I'm going to go and take some pictures," said Seyma Bayram, a Columbia journalism fellow focused on creating a longform investigative podcast unrelated to the protests.
The encampments were a visual feast. There were musical performances, students reading and helping each other write papers for their classes. She wanted to document it all.
By Monday, students were facing suspension if they didn't leave. Crowds marched around the encampment chanting. Students were given written notices from the administration, warning them to go. They ripped them up, dumped them in trash bins. Rumors were flying.
That night, Bayram was unwilling to go home, sleeping on her office floor.
"How," she wondered, "are they going to remove the students. They're not leaving."
By Tuesday, she was exhausted. The student reporters charged their cameras and other gear and waited.
Many protesters were starting to leave, recalled Shayeza Walid, a graduate journalism student at Columbia, who covered the arrests for the news website Al-Monitor.
The sun was setting as they held hands and chanted, knowing they faced academic repercussions by remaining. Many had given up covering their faces by now, Walid said.
To her, the chants sounded like a hymn and she saw the protesters, some clad in Palestinian keffiyehs, crying. She doubts she will ever forget it.
"It felt so both inspirational and devastating because these were the kids who were willing to get arrested," she recalled.
And then police started assembling outside, setting up barricades. Even on campus, Bayram could tell by the photos posted on social media that police action was imminent. And then the police were there.
"I don't know, it was just like all of a sudden there were just like police, ... riot gear everywhere," Bayram said.
The student journalists were walking backward, filming as they went, Bayram said.
She was pushed off campus. Police buses and officers were everywhere. Around her, people were being arrested.
"Those of us who are pushed out, like student reporters and faculty, I think we were just all horrified that no press was present outside of, or inside of, Hamilton Hall," Bayram said.
Walid recalled that the reporters paired up for safety. Her partner, an international student, had never seen so many police in one place. "And frankly, I hadn't either," Walid said.
She said the police also seemed shocked when they came into campus and saw how few students were left. "It was very evidently disproportionate from where we were standing," she said.
Before the arrests, protesters inside the campus used a megaphone to lead those protesting outside in chants, recalled Cecilia Blotto, a graduate journalism student, who has been publishing photos and video to Uptown Radio, a project of the university's journalism program.
"Columbia, you are a liar," she recalled them chanting, along with "Disclose, divest! We will not stop, we will not rest."
Then Blotto saw police buses pull up, officers exiting with shields and zip ties. Then they played a recording saying that if the protesters didn't disperse they would be arrested.
"People were like being dragged out on the street, with like four cops holding a leg and an arm each. I saw some really, like, striking images of people, like, yelling shame at the cops, while they were dragging out students," Blotto said. She tried to film it all.
Emily Byrski, a graduate student who had a phone number written on her arm in case she was arrested, said the students weren't totally unprepared. There had been a training session.
Still, she said, there had been so many false alerts.
"It's like the boy who cried wolf. Like, there were two or three nights here where we were told, there was a rumor going around that the NYPD was coming, please come to campus," she recalled.
Byrski had knee surgery earlier in the year, so was unable to run as police descended. She limped along with her buddy.
"So we're sort of seeing this all happen from inside and trying to document it as the NYPD is grabbing people, like shoving them to the ground. It was pretty horrifying to see, like, right a foot away from me," Byrski said.
She said she has seen professors cry over the last week. She is pondering it all, uncertain what to make of it.
"I'm just sort of in shock," Byrski said. "I think we all kind of were in shock."
Botched US student aid application form rollout leaves many in limbo
The last thing standing between Ashnaelle Bijoux and her college dream is the FAFSA form — a financial aid application that's supposed to help students go to college but is blocking her instead. She has tried to submit it over and over. Every time, it fails to go through.
"I feel overwhelmed and stressed out," said Bijoux, 19. She came close to tears the last time she tried the form. "I feel like I'm being held back."
Normally a time of celebration for high school seniors, this spring has been marred by the federal government's botched rollout of the new FAFSA application. By May 1, students usually know where they're headed to college in the fall. This year, most still haven't received financial aid offers. Three months before the start of fall classes, many don't know where they're going to college, or how they're going to pay for it.
"We're asking them to make probably one of the biggest financial decisions — and decisions that will have the biggest implications on their lives going forward — without all of the information," said Justin Draeger, president and CEO of the National Association of Student Financial Aid Administrators.
FAFSA, or Free Application for Federal Student Aid, went through a massive overhaul that was supposed to make it simpler and shorter. But a series of blunders by the Education Department made it harder than ever, delaying college decisions by months and raising fears that hundreds of thousands of students will forgo college entirely.
Across the United States, the number of students who have successfully submitted the FAFSA is down 29% from this time last year, and it's even worse at schools with more low-income students, according to the National College Attainment Network.
The group's CEO, Kim Cook, warned members of Congress this month about a potentially "catastrophic" drop in college enrollments that would make the decreases of the pandemic seem mild.
For Bijoux of Norwich, Connecticut, the FAFSA problems threaten to undermine the promise of higher education.
To her, college is a chance to seize the opportunities that weren't available to her mother, who immigrated from Haiti to the U.S. as an adult. Bijoux hopes to become a therapist and set a positive example for her three younger brothers.
If her FAFSA goes through, she should be eligible for enough financial aid to help with the $13,000-a-year tuition at Southern Connecticut State University. If not, she might go to a local community college, but even that would require loans if she can't complete the FAFSA.
"That's why it hurts, because it's like you work so hard to go somewhere and do something and make something of yourself," Bijoux said. "I thought I would start at a four-year (college) and then work hard continuously, like I've been doing basically my whole life. But that's not the case."
The updated FAFSA form has one section filled out by students and another by their parents. But when Bijoux finishes her part, nothing shows up on her mom's online account. She keeps trying, but nothing seems to change.
Similar problems have been reported across the country, along with numerous other bugs that the Education Department has scrambled to fix. Families who call for customer service have faced long wait times or say the call center hung up on them.
It "drains all the momentum" from families working to send their children to college, especially those navigating the process for the first time, said Anne Zinn, a counselor at Norwich Free Academy, where Bijoux goes to school.
"I can only say so many times, 'Just be patient, just be patient,' before they throw their hands up and they're like, 'Why am I doing this? I'm just going to go get a job,'" she said.
The rollout has attracted bipartisan criticism in Congress, and it's being investigated at the request of Republicans. Last week, Richard Cordray, the federal student loan chief who oversaw the FAFSA update, announced he's stepping down at the end of June.
For colleges, too, the delays pose a major threat.
Enrollment decreases like those being projected now could put many small colleges out of business or necessitate deep cuts in staff. Some colleges are pushing for emergency relief just to stay afloat, said Angel Pérez, CEO of the National Association for College Admission Counseling.
"If they don't get checks from the federal government to basically get them through next year, they will not survive," Pérez said.
FAFSA has been the linchpin of student financial aid for decades. It's used to determine eligibility for the federal Pell grant, a scholarship for low-income students, and it's required to receive federal student loans. Colleges and states also use FAFSA to distribute their own scholarships.
FAFSA had long been maligned for being tedious, difficult and intimidating to families without college experience. Congress passed legislation in 2020 meant to simplify the form. The Education Department was ordered to reduce the number of questions from more than 100 to about 40 and change the formula to expand aid to more students.
Problems started piling up as soon as the new form went online in December, already months overdue.
The first applications were incorrectly processed using an outdated calculation for inflation. Later, a federal contractor miscalculated a different formula on more than 200,000 applications. Each mistake added to delays, leaving students waiting longer to hear anything about financial aid.
Even more worrisome is a misstep that blocked students from finishing the form if they have a parent without a Social Security number. Advocates say the system locked out hundreds of thousands of students who are U.S. citizens or permanent residents but whose parents are not.
The Education Department on Tuesday said it's giving those parents a new way to enter their tax information manually. But as recently as this week, some students said they were still blocked from submitting the form.
Federal education officials say they're addressing lingering bugs but making progress. More than 8 million student applications have now been processed and sent to colleges, the agency said, and new applications are being processed within three days.
Still, the wait is far from over. It usually takes weeks for schools to prepare financial aid offers. Some colleges have extended decision deadlines to give students more time to weigh their options. But some stuck to May 1, forcing students to choose a college — and make a nonrefundable payment to hold their spot — without knowing all their scholarship options.
In Baltimore, Camryn Carter is waiting to find out if he'll get a full ride to the University of Maryland or face tens of thousands of dollars in student loans.
A top student and captain of his baseball and wrestling teams, Carter sees college as a step up in life. He thinks back to the times in the grocery store line when he had to put items back on the shelf because his mom couldn't afford the bill. A college degree would give him the stability he didn't always have, the 18-year-old said.
But when he looks at tuition, it's intimidating. Along with Maryland, he's also considering McDaniel College, a private school in Maryland. If he enrolls there, he expects to borrow almost $30,000 a year.
"I try to make the best decisions now so I can have a good future," he said. "I'm a little nervous that things won't work out. But I'm faithful."
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